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Business plan pour micro creche lyon

Russian Soft Power in France: France constitutes the most prominent example of Russia's soft power in Western Europe, due not only to the long-lasting positive bilateral relations but also to the presence of an important Russian emigration since the s that can act as a relay of influence.

The French-Russian relationship is based on a long-standing tradition of cultural exchanges. In the 19th century, France was already one of the preferred destinations for Russian political exiles, and subsequently received several of the major waves of Russian emigration in the interwar period.

Under the presidency of de Gaulle, it positioned itself as a European power relatively favorable to the Soviet Union. France's strong Communist tradition also encouraged a certain ideological proximity, and Russian was widely taught at secondary school level until the collapse of the USSR.

The bilateral relationship is more complex today, characterized by close-knit economic and cultural interrelationships but also by political difficulties over the main international issues, the most business plan pour micro creche lyon of which are Ukraine and Syria.

Since the support shown by Russia to the European extreme right and the—now waning—honeymoon between the Front National National Front and some Kremlin circles, debate in France on the "Russian presence" and "Russia's networks of influence" has escalated, sometimes reaching extreme forms of paranoia founded on gross exaggeration, groundless supposition, and the reproduction of American arguments concerning the rumored Russian hand in electing Donald Trump.

The objective of this paper is to analyze, dispassionately and without apportioning blame, the Russian presence in France. All the major powers exert many forms of soft power in countries they consider to be critical internationally, of which France is quite naturally one.

Rather than considering Russia to be a case apart, it would be worthwhile to compare Russian activities in France with the means used by the United States, China, Saudi Arabia, or Qatar. Russian soft power may take several forms, and this paper concentrates on one: It does not consider activities organized officially by the Russian state or by the Russian Embassy in France, though these have considerable importance: Instead, the paper maps the make-up of Russian soft power in France by looking at networks that are not directly state-produced: Influential but Complex Intermediaries Unlike the emigration of other diasporas, Russian emigration to France was not a single unified movement.

Instead, it was fragmented for both historical and political reasons, which had the effect of creating several "waves" of emigration. The first came in the wake of the October Revolution and the ensuing civil war: The emigrant community is strongly divided by conflicting memories and loyalties, both internal personal and institutional rivalries run high and re-kindled by the actions of the Russian authorities toward their "compatriots" sootechestvenniki.

This policy toward its compatriots has been implemented by several institutions, including the Department of Work with Compatriots at the Russian Ministry of Foreign Affairs created in ; the Moscow City House of Compatriots the city's former mayor, Yuri Luzhkov, was at the forefront of the fight for the Russian diasporas ; the World Council of Compatriots, which brings together all the Russian compatriot organizations worldwide in existence sinceit was awarded a more official status in ; the Russkii Mir Russian World Foundation, launched in ; and the State Agency for Foreign Cooperation, Rossotrudnichestvo.

The towns of Moscow and St. Petersburg have their own departments of foreign relations and maintain direct links with some diasporas. The Russian policy toward compatriots is structured primarily to reach Russians in the post-Soviet republics, which are the states most subject to massive migrant flows back to Russia.

Secondarily, it is directed toward the more remote diasporas in Europe, Israel, and North America, with the aim of converting them into economic, political, and cultural mediators between Russia and the rest of the world.

It would be a mistake to think that the Russian authorities' strategies toward the Russian diasporas are all crowned with success: In the case of France, Moscow has had to deal with several forms of resistance, which we can group under three broad headings.

Firstly, Moscow cannot co-opt ethnic minorities that consider themselves to be victims of the Soviet regime or of Putin's Russia.

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The Chechen diasporas, for instance, remain largely dissociated from the Russian diasporas, and groups with Baltic or Ukrainian identity reject vehemently all reconciliation initiatives coming from Russia. The case of Russian-speaking Jewish diasporas is more complex: Secondly, the political hardening of the Putin regime has helped to structure opposition movements even within the diasporas, in particular among those who emigrated recently.

Several organizations critical of the regime have emerged, notably during the anti-Putin demonstrations in the winter of —, and have gradually incorporated NGO networks that defend human rights.

Some groups have rallied behind Putin's Russia for the sake of the country's historical continuity; others have declined to do so. Those most loyal to the Romanov monarchy, for instance, are opposed, calling for the restitution of their assets and the removal of Lenin's embalmed body from the Mausoleum in Red Square.

Today, the Coordination Council for the Forum of Russians in France Koordinatsionnyi sovet rossiiskikh sootechestvennikov Frantsii 10 launched as such by the Russian authorities in The objective of the association is to develop the economic, political, and cultural links between the two countries, and over the last few years, it has become the main forum for all those calling for stronger French-Russian links.

The Dialogue's success can probably be attributed to the fact that the association is at the intersection of different aspects of Russian soft power.

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He also has his own support network: He chairs the Imperial Guard Association, which commemorates the Tsarist military past. He also has close ties to some networks used by the Kremlin to exert influence, and acts as the bridgehead for prominent Orthodox businessmen Vladimir Yakunin and Konstantin Malofeev, as well as for their foundations see below.

Lastly, he is well established in Russia-based French business circles, and has been since the Soviet era. Although the Chamber focuses on issues related to economics and bilateral trade, it has been directed since by Pavel Chinsky, a historian of Stalinism and vice-president of the Russian Chess Federation, who militates against sanctions on Russia.

Its aim was to generate expertise on Russia to meet the needs of French entrepreneurs and decision-makers while simultaneously giving Russians a better knowledge of France and the French outlook.A business plan is a crucial activity for any entrepreneur or business owner looking to start or expand their business.

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